Felipe González is willing to debate with whoever he wants, and even more so if he is from the PSOE, his position against the amnesty, and he would also accept any invitation to any group of his party to explain the reasons for his rejection of this measure, but what is not will never be to ask the PSOE deputies to vote against Pedro Sánchez if there is an amnesty and the party approves it.
What's more, the former president of the Government considers that this is a mistake on the part of the PP, "to ask the PSOE deputies to divide themselves. I," he assured, "would never do it," as I would not ask the PP for something that would divide it. González believes that taking this step would be as counterproductive as, in his opinion, PP phrases such as "repealing Sanchismo" were, which apart from "a lack of respect, is a blunder and has the opposite effect." To the former president, this repeal of Sanchismo reminds him of "Go away Mr. González", with one difference, he never said, he stated, "protect me, they say they want to repeal Sanchismo."
The first president of the socialist Government after the recovery of democracy, held an "informative conversation" with journalists this Monday, organized by the Association of European Journalists, in which he reiterated his position against the amnesty and the right to self-determination, which comes maintaining since the independentistas put it on the table for the investiture of Pedro Sánchez.
Felipe González's thesis is that an amnesty "is not compatible with the constitutional framework", but he prefers to debate this measure from a political point of view, and always "defending the positions of the party to which I belong", also in what refers to self-determination. He rejects them because unlike the pardons, with which he agreed, which involve "forgiving those who have committed the crime," the amnesty involves "asking for forgiveness" from those who broke the laws and would erase anti-constitutional and anti-statutory behavior,' because it would be "the democratic state that would recognize that it had acted illegitimately, and "I am not going to apologize for defending the Constitution and the rule of law."
González makes all these reflections without knowing the text that can be proposed, but he does so from a political point of view, regarding what the amnesty entails. And for him, if it is accepted that those who carried out the process acted legitimately, "the laws of disconnection, the antidemocratic republic that was proclaimed, would be legal if the amnesty were the classic one." It would be "democratic, fair, and yet the constitutional order and the application of Article 155 would be illegitimate." That is why he considers that the amnesty, from a legal and political point of view "is inadmissible", because "it delegitimizes the democratic state and legitimizes those who ignored it."
What's more, in this situation, the independentists, if they felt legitimized in everything they did, through an amnesty, could interpret "that the laws of disconnection are still valid, and why would they want the self-determination referendum if they have already determined themselves?" "in the 1-O referendum, which would be considered legitimate.
Felipe González knows that with these approaches they will tell him that he is right-wing, because nobody wants there to be a sensible and serene debate. "The political debate cannot be poorer. It can be more bitter and with more insults, but it cannot be poorer." That, however, will not silence him, because "we are not talking about amnesty as a state policy, but for something else" since, he said, "we would not be talking about amnesty if the seven votes of Puigdemont for the investiture", in a situation that is repeated: "The fewer representatives they have, the more they speak on behalf of Catalonia", of all Catalans, on behalf of all".
Felipe González would be willing to address a reform of the Constitution, taking into account that it requires a reinforced majority, and even to speak of "a nation of nations", which would have a first step, the recognition that "Spain is a nation", and Starting from there, the recognition of plurality could be proposed, a federal state "that is equal in rights", although the differential facts are later recognized, but with a reminder that article 2 of the Constitution "defends the territorial integrity" of Spain. What he does not understand is the formula that has now been put on the table, that of the national minority. He has a question "does he mean all Catalans?"
Felipe González is very critical of the independentists and what they have done in Catalonia, where in his opinion, "they have not been governed for ten years", they are dedicated to other things, and he considers that the PSOE and the PSC are in danger now, because on July 23, the PSC won, "occupying the space of centrality, in part due to the policies of the Government" of Pedro Sánchez. The problem is that the negotiation must be done with the political force that has 7 seats, "and that means losing centrality."
The former president is not against the co-official status of Catalan, Basque and Galician in the European Union, although he warns that there may be up to 60 regional languages that could request the same. What he hopes is that "this is not the supreme objective of the European presidency" because he does not believe that it is among the priorities of the Union, neither in the first place, nor in the second, nor in the third, and he warns. "carrying sectarianism, in one direction or another, - as Vox intends in communities like the Balearic Islands - is incompatible with loving a language."
