When “the sky wears its April gauze,” as Machado said, five images of Spain make up its landscape. First picture, the economic bonanza that the ingenious Félix Bolaños describes in his favor: the Government does not like those who despise the fact that the Spanish economy is growing more than the European one or that more jobs are being created than ever. Comment: perhaps “the State of works” that Fernández de la Mora and other Francoist ideologues drew to justify the lack of democracy in the last dictatorship will return.
Second picture, the opposite panorama, drawn by Núñez Feijóo: we have the worst political class in the last 45 years, including the PP. It is the worst definition since Abascal described the Sánchez government as “the worst in the last 80 years.” It is clear that the examination of national reality depends on ideology: for the right, disaster; for the left, paradise. The doubt left by both leaders is whether for them the political class of Franco's regime was better than the current one.
Third image, the judicial one. Every day this country is a little more in the hands of the judges. The amnesty depends on them, therefore the Catalan concord, the masks and the corruptions now expanded with Rubiales. I am not surprised by the interest of the big parties in controlling the General Council of the Judiciary.
Fourth stamp, the electoral one. The Basque Country is already in the campaign. Catalonia is preparing with eye-catching signings. The Spanish doubt has something dramatic: putting the referendum in Esquerra's program and hearing Puigdemont return to the point where he left off before fleeing, is this progress in cordiality, or is the headline in a Madrid newspaper true: What does the process return?
And fifth picture, the comic one. Three weeks ago I assumed a very widespread idea here: “Sánchez created a Government distinguished for its aggressiveness. It seems that he does not come to govern, but to provoke.” There is also a widespread interpretation that the great provocateur is Óscar Puente, who occupies the portfolio occupied by Ábalos, whose contract Mr. Sánchez did not want to renew, God knows for what reasons that are not strictly work-related. There are those who believe that Puente won the portfolio the day he ardently defended his socialist ideology and condemned the conservative one to hell. Sánchez liked him so much that he gave him the device that he had taken from Ábalos: car, secretary and other displays of command in the plaza.
It is very likely that the president is comfortable with his Minister of Transportation, as it is very likely that he is comfortable with María Jesús Montero, or with Félix Bolaños: they are passionately loyal people, wickedly intelligent and fiery loquacious when they say the things that the second State authority cannot say. They combine the dual functions of umbrellas and ramming professionals. They provoke and stop blows with undoubted mastery. And they spread that mastery to the rest of the team.
Last Monday, Mr. Puente discovered a new job before Carlos Alsina: that of insulter. It is not a minority, because the minister had to create a team of officials to keep track of the offenses he has to suffer and they have already counted one hundred attacks, with an opinion unusually divided between a Pedro Sánchez censured for being handsome and a Transport Minister criticized for ugly Word of Don Óscar. Given what is still missing in the legislature, it is possible that Puente will put himself in the hands of a cosmetic surgeon. If he does not do it, he will have to expand the number of expletives and insults counters, because the number of insulters can exceed a thousand.
Poor minister and poor Government of the nation! There you have them: so harmless, so innocent, so victims of grievances and attacks, when they do nothing but go out of their way for the good of the country, and we pay them no respect. Do not be discouraged, ministers. This was just the beginning. Now three electoral processes are coming, which are not distinguished by their courtesy. And there are already the parliamentary investigation commissions. They are not created to uncover evidence of corruption. They are created to discover that only the adversary is corrupt. They are created to catch some votes. They are created as part of the squid technique. They are created to establish whether Isabel or Begoña is prettier. And they are created, as always, to establish political truth. That is, the truth that is proclaimed by the number of votes of deputies or senators. What is least important, not to mention despicable, is the authentic truth, which is usually the judicial truth.
