The harassment and demolition of Susana Monje, a member of the family that owns the construction company Essentium, is one of the most amazing cases in the dark criminal career of José Manuel Villarejo. The commissioner received a commission to make life impossible for the group's top executive, Susana Monje.
He requested a million euros (provision of funds plus a commission for the success of the operation, according to a report by the Police internal affairs unit) for sinking Monge's company, which closed, and making life impossible for the businesswoman. . He took advantage of the fact that the victim was treasurer of the Barça board of directors to include her in the Catalonia operation, despite having no connection to the independence movement, and thus make his dirty war more effective.
Monje became one of the prominent protagonists of the false reports, supposedly prepared by the economic and fiscal crime unit (UDEF), actually made by Villarejo and his gang.
In March 2009, the Monjes bought Constructora Hispánica, a company in the sector in difficulties. Its owner, Alfonso García Pozuelo, was accused in the Gürtel plot of irregular financing of the PP, and as a consequence the company already had serious problems to obtain works.
The Monks paid about 35 million euros for the company, a part of which was deferred. And García Pozuelo used 20 of those millions to pay the Treasury and reduce his criminal liability in Gürtel. The new owners, however, ended up discovering that the balance sheet of the acquired company did not reflect reality. The expected revenues were inflated, and the president, José Luis Montesinos, whom they initially intended to keep in office, had built a high-end house at the company's expense.
Montesinos was dismissed and replaced by Susana Monje, who also filed a lawsuit in Madrid against García Pozuelo and the former president and blocked the payment of the last four million outstanding.
On October 25, 2012, almost at the start of the Catalonia operation, Villarejo noted in his diary a conversation with the lawyer Javier Iglesias, a regular in the commissioner's business and related to the then Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, and with the general secretary of the PP, María Dolores de Cospedal. The annotation is completed with the phrase: “OK with the Pozuelo project”. And from that moment on, references to Monje are frequent. He will even be part of his key work plan in Barcelona, according to what he himself referred to in his manuscripts. With references to Manuel Lamela, former Minister of Health of the Community of Madrid, whom Monje had introduced into his council, and whom Villarejo described as key to his campaign.
In 2014, things got worse for Monje. Two false police reports, without letterhead and apocryphal, included separate accounts of the directive. In one of them you can read: "Monje business group, currently headed by the founder's daughter, Esther [sic] current treasurer of Barcelona FC who was in charge of acquiring the cardboard that transformed the football stadium into a teaches [sic] Catalan. Said group has recently paid 20 million euros to Oriol Pujol, of which part could have ended up in the hands of a PSOE leader, for facilitating the coerced purchase of the company Hispania [sic], which in its day was valued at 500 million , but it was finally acquired for less than 60. That purchase was feasible since its owner at that time was immersed in the Gürtel investigation and they told him that he would no longer have any public works and that he would have to sell to said Catalan real estate group. In the second, it was already stated that Monje had relations with Oriol Pujol and that the latter's family was the shadow owner of 18%.
At the beginning of 2015, Monje was summoned by police officials to a meeting, which was attended by commissioner Enrique García Castaño, alias El Gordo, and a member of the Villarejo plot, who demanded information about the Pujols, to which she did not knew.
Villarejo managed to get several media outlets to echo those pages without a known author, which meant a tough campaign for Monje and his companies, whose header ended up suspending payments in 2017.
