Bedran Chiya Kurd (Afrin, 1979) is the representative to the international community of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (Aanes), the Kurdish-majority area with de facto self-government known as Rojava. The Kurdish politician recently visited Barcelona at the invitation of the Government, at a time of great difficulty for his entity. Under constant Turkish attacks – he does not use a cell phone in Syria to avoid being killed by a drone – his forces are also trying to stop the resurgence of the Islamic State (IS). The Aanes, which has detained more than 9,000 jihadist fighters from around the world, in addition to 52,400 women and children, intends to try them in the face of the obstacles of foreign governments to repatriate their citizens.
Is Türkiye the biggest threat to AANES?
It is the greatest strategic threat. They are followed by IS terrorism and the Syrian regime, which does not recognize Aanes as an administration and there are no prospects for negotiation either. Turkey is a threat to all the Kurdish people, because it supports all those who threaten us, as it did with IS and other terrorist groups.
Do Turkish attacks on its territory continue?
From October 5 to 10 there was an air operation against our infrastructure and against civilian targets. But the attacks have not stopped. With the war in Gaza, Turkey has increased its attacks, taking advantage of the fact that global media and public opinion attention is concentrated there.
What are the consequences of the Turkish attacks?
They have destroyed water stations, power plants, oil fields, schools and hospitals. 50% of our budget, which depends on oil, is damaged. More than five million inhabitants have been affected by electricity and water cuts. We estimate losses at $1.27 billion. We cannot face them alone.
Do they fear that Türkiye will try a new land invasion?
Not for the moment. Erdogan needs permission from Russia and the US, he is negotiating but still does not have the green light.
The Trump administration withdrew part of its troops from Syria. Has Joe Biden given you guarantees that if Turkey intensifies the attacks he will defend them?
The US has promised us that they will remain in the area and that they will support our forces, but only to continue the fight against IS. But we don't know what will happen when Biden's term ends.
What consequences has the Gaza war had in the area, beyond the Turkish attacks?
Syria is one of the most affected countries, because friends of Hamas, such as Hizbullah or Iran, are present. Islamist groups linked to Tehran have increased their attacks against international coalition bases in our area and also against our forces [Syrian Democratic Forces or SDF]. These attacks logically weaken the war against jihadism.
How strong do you see Bashar al-Assad? It is a regime with which they will have to come to terms.
The solution to the conflict has to come from within Syria and has to be democratic, so that all actors, whether the opposition, our administration or those close to the regime, accept this solution. After 12 years of war, the regime is weak: there are economic and political problems. It will never again be the regime it was before the war, no matter how much Assad thinks so. There have been many attempts at negotiations between the AANES and the regime, but they have been in vain.
The attacks carried out by IS on the prisons of Hasakeh and Raqa showed that the jihadist group is still active. Is coming back?
The Turkish attacks in 2019, when it occupied the cities of Tel Abyad and Seri Kani [in Arabic Ras al Ain], and also the daily attacks against our territory have laid the foundation for IS to increase its attacks in the area. We are seeing a resurgence of their cells.
How many combatants are there?
We don't know for sure. There are suicide attacks in Deir Ezzor, Raqa and Hasakeh. Since January 2023 there have been 112 anti-terrorist operations by the SDF and the international coalition. In them, 348 IS fighters were detained, compared to 256 arrested in 2022, indicating an increase.
In June you said that the trials of IS prisoners would begin soon.
The decision is exclusively ours. Since Western governments do not want their return, we have to do something with them. They have been in our prisons for five years and the victims deserve to be judged. They are of different nationalities, but the international community has done nothing and has left us with this immense burden.
When Rojava was founded in 2012, it seemed like a good time for the Kurdish cause, also in Iraq. The situation today is much less rosy. What lessons do you draw?
The regimes that attack us have their internal problems, even more serious than the Kurdish cause. I would say that the situation now for the Kurds is better than ten years ago because our cause is now international. Everyone knows who the Kurds are, what they want and what they need.
Do the discords of recent years among the Kurds put an end to the idea of a united Kurdistan?
Right now there are political parties with different ideologies in the four parts of Kurdistan. We always try to overcome the internal problems we have with other Kurdish parties to achieve our common goal. It is healthy that there are different ideologies and political colors. That said, there has to be a solution for the Kurdish cause within the borders of each state, of Iraq, Turkey, Iran and Syria. And a democratic constitution that guarantees the freedoms and rights of the Kurdish people.
