Emmanuel Macron lived this Monday one of the most unpleasant days since he became president of France, as his political isolation and inability to carry out his initiatives became evident. The National Assembly approved a “motion of rejection” of the draft new immigration law before even opening debates on the text and analyzing the almost 2,600 amendments presented.
The French Government – and, by extension, the head of state – was the victim of an opportunistic alliance of the entire opposition, from the radical left to the extreme right. The motion to reject was presented by the environmentalists. 270 deputies voted in favor, compared to 265 who said no. The chamber, almost full, immediately burst into applause – except for the Macronists, of course – and, before the session was suspended, many shouted in favor of the resignation of the Minister of the Interior, Gérald Darmanin, whose political authority was greatly compromised. Hours later, the minister actually proposed the resignation to Macron, but the president rejected it.
This Monday, France gave the image of an almost ungovernable country, which does not know how to build a minimum consensus on immigration policy, one of the most sensitive matters and of public concern. The root problem is that, in the legislative elections of June 2022, the Macronists lost their absolute majority in the Assembly. Since then they need allies, but they can't find them. The pension reform had to be approved by decree, generating serious disturbances in the street. On the immigration issue, it is unimaginable that he would dare to do so.
French media analysts spoke last night of a “catastrophe” for the Government. A government crisis and even the replacement of the prime minister, Élisabeth Borne, cannot be ruled out in the short or medium term. Paralysis could precipitate the dissolution of the Assembly and the calling of early legislative elections, although nothing would ensure a more stable political situation.
The initial draft of the new law provided for tougher measures against criminal foreigners or dangerous Islamists, facilitating their expulsion, but more flexibility to regularize simpapeles who work in sectors with a shortage of labor. “We will be kind to the kind and mean to the bad,” Darmanin said more than a year ago.
In the Senate, dominated by the right, the legislative text adopted a very conservative tone, limiting regularization to the maximum. When it later passed through the Assembly commission, the Macronists amended it as much as they could. The result did not please anyone in the opposition. For some, too much severity; for others, excessive laxity.
The topic is very hot and the debate poisoned because, year after year, the number of requests for residence permits from non-EU citizens and asylum seekers grows strongly. Added to this is the trickle of jihadist attacks, sometimes committed by immigrants who were welcomed in recent years. The far right is capitalizing on the migration and security crisis, and is expected to win the European elections next June.
Darmanin is very touched. He is a man from the right, very close to Sarkozy, and is credited with the ambition of replacing Borne and running for president in 2027. The slap has been severe, although not only for him. Macron risks more than three years of political impotence and sterility.
