He had not been vice president of the Government for two days when Pablo Iglesias collided head-on with the judges. His accusations against the senior officials of acting motivated by political and ideological interests against Podemos caused the Council of the Judiciary to complain about the vice president's lack of institutional respect for his impartiality. So, the Socialists did not like the diatribes of Iglesias against the judiciary at all. This week, Pedro Sánchez denounced an "attempt to run over our democracy by the political and judicial right" and "cheered by the media right." Iglesias couldn't agree more.
The leader of Podemos thought from the beginning that the biggest obstacle the new coalition government would have would be the counterpower of a judicial leadership leaning to the right, heir to the absolute majority of the PP. For this reason, he tried to convince Sánchez to change the law to elect the members of the Council of the Judiciary (who in turn appoint the leadership of the high courts) by simple majority to circumvent the blockade imposed by the PP. Iglesias must have thought that it was better to wear red one day than a hundred red ones. The president was suspicious, but seeing that the PP remained immovable, he made the feint. In Brussels they wrinkled their noses, pointed to Hungary and Poland (countries reprimanded for tortious use of justice) and the idea was thrown into the trash can. The Government believed that, sooner or later, the PP would end up giving in.
But four years have passed and the blockade persists. The PSOE and UP are now proposing a surgical reform to lower the majority required only in the election of the members of the Constitutional Council who correspond to the Council. Thus, at least the renewal of that court would be unblocked, although the rest of the high judiciary remains pending. This movement has unleashed the alliance between the PP and the conservatives entrenched in the Constitutional Court, who have been about to prohibit Congress from voting on the legal changes, alleging that the procedure is inappropriate. They did not, but it is possible that tomorrow they will stop those reforms, which still have to be approved in the Senate.
The Government is convinced that they will complete the operation, but the battle has no turning back. If the judicial maneuver takes effect and the reforms are not approved, the PSOE and UP will try again through a bill to change the corresponding organic laws, even if it takes a few more weeks. Sánchez's determination is unyielding. His objective is to prevent the Constitutional from destroying all of his mandate. Many laws appealed to the Constitutional by PP and Vox are at stake: that of abortion, euthanasia, sexual freedom, education (also that of Catalan education), historical memory, labor, that of the riders...
What is being resolved now is the ideological bias of a part of the Judiciary for a decade (appointments are for nine years). In fact, the current judiciary reflects the hegemony of the PP ten years ago. Why has Sánchez stuffed this crucial issue together with other no less sensitive issues such as the elimination of sedition or the reduction of penalties for embezzlement before Christmas?
The president wants to clear the minefield for the year in which Moncloa is played. He is not willing for judicial decisions to annihilate what has been sown, that in 2023 sentences that annul laws will fall and leave his mandate turned into an empty shell. He also wants to prevent dozens of defendants for 1-O from going to prison, which would take Catalonia back to three years ago, when the sentence of the process jumped between demonstrations in the streets, yellow ties and speeches of repression.
In fact, next year Sánchez hopes to reap the fruits of the reduction in inflammation in Catalonia. If the Socialists win the mayoralty of Barcelona, the message to the rest of Spain will be more ibuprofen and less "go for them." Salvador Illa has acted as a fire extinguisher calling wayward socialist barons, first for sedition and then for embezzlement.
The PSC will only be able to preside over the Generalitat if the independence movement remains divided. And Junts and ERC are at odds over sedition and embezzlement. Junts proclaims that ERC allows itself to be deceived by the socialists, although its accused leaders will also benefit from the agreed measures. If these take effect, Junts will have fewer arguments before ERC. Hence, in Moncloa there is no concern (although they do not like it) that Oriol Junqueras leaves the door open to another unilateral referendum. They were informed by ERC that the party's presentation includes the conditions of an agreed referendum and Junqueras's words are part of the struggle with Junts.
This end of the year the tranquility of a decisive 2023 is at stake. Justice is the mother of all battles to leave the PP without ammunition against laws that support the so-called cultural war, such as the "only yes is yes." The economy is the other front. And Sánchez will keep the aid announcements. Clear mines 2023 to reach the goal. It will not be easy.
