Feijóo has sworn by the baby Jesus that Spain is not and will never be a multinational state. The Galician forgets that always and never are, for all needs – public and private – the most treacherous words in the dictionary. So what we must understand is that, as long as he commands the PP, the possibilities of Spain advancing towards another type of vision of the distribution of power between administrations are the same as those of being crowned Mr. Spain. Between zero and none.
Two weeks ago, in Barcelona, Feijóo dressed as a bagpiper to convince the public at the Cercle d'Economia that his love for the Catalan nationality was sincere. Orujo shots and Santiago cake for those present. It sounded so convincing that its organization secretary, Elías Bendodo, added two and two to reach four and affirmed in an interview in El Mundo, the header that we already knew was Commissioner Villarejo's favorite for placing without a filter everything that he excreted, that Spain it is a multinational state.
Result: the marimorena has been armed and it is necessary to retrace the steps, lest someone think that the PP has become independent and supporters of ETA. Spain is one and not fifty-one! and ole Feijóo, Bendodo, Ayuso, the aznarismo and Pepito el del Pándal have run to try to seal the leak with which Vox aspires to make the popular candidate break in the Andalusian elections to the cry of maricomplejines, the lupara of the insult that in his day loaded the radio station Jiménez Losantos. The clearest, because he always is, has been Ayuso; that this weekend Khaleesi of the popular people of Madrid will be crowned with the promise of turning Madrid into the retaining wall of nationalism, which in his opinion will not break Spain but works tirelessly to turn it into a dry land.
Twenty-two years ago the PP considered finished the construction of the Spain of the autonomies. The absolute majority of Aznar in the year 2000 served the right to consider the works of decentralization finished. Aznar wanted to crown his cake with the icing on Jordi Pujol by accepting his invitation to appoint CIU ministers even though he did not need his support. Around the same time, there was also the offer of the trident Mariano Rajoy, Jaume Matas and Eduardo Zaplana to Artur Mas in Doñana, offering to unite popular and convergent people in marriage.
With these utopian possibilities closed to the bone, the PP began to slide already in that legislature (2000-2004) down the slide of recentralization. This was accentuated with his return to power in 2011 after shoemaking. Along the way, the popular ones had given free rein to anti-Catalanism with their campaign against the reform of the Statute and embraced as a catechism the FAES program that blamed a good part of the ills of Spain on the autonomies. Later, the independence process radicalized Catalonia and radicalized the PP even more.
Back to the present, with Vox marking the pitch on the right wing and Isabel Díaz Ayuso roaming freely through the Madrid forum, the room for maneuver to change that position that has lasted two decades is non-existent for Feijóo. The popular leader could monopolize all the petroleum jelly on the market and not even so. The maximum that the PP can achieve is to moderate in the forms and that the outbursts can be counted as limited. That is all and there will be no more. Because neither Vox nor Ayuso are here to take prisoners if necessary.
From Catalan politics there is nothing to offer the popular either. No one can imagine a scenario of politically articulated centre-right nationalism collaborating –if it existed, which is not the case– with the PP; similar to what occurred in the distant period 2000-2004 or in the biennium 2011-2012. So neither on the front of a hypothetical arithmetic need can we expect any progress on the territorial axis led by the right. What will end up coming, being able to govern the PP only with Vox, are more setbacks. No matter how sweet the voice of Feijóo sounds, dressed as a piper, and no matter how many shots of orujo he invites. Glups.
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