Take care of the government coalition?

Podemos has imposed its hardest line against Yolanda Díaz: it has blocked the fast track in the reform of the law of only yes is yes and puts pressure on the Socialist Party on the occasion of 8-M, even at the cost of delaying some legal changes that They are necessary and urgent.

Thomas Osborne
Thomas Osborne
17 February 2023 Friday 16:35
21 Reads
Take care of the government coalition?

Podemos has imposed its hardest line against Yolanda Díaz: it has blocked the fast track in the reform of the law of only yes is yes and puts pressure on the Socialist Party on the occasion of 8-M, even at the cost of delaying some legal changes that They are necessary and urgent. This irresponsible disloyalty, perpetrated by a party that is part of the Government, would have to be the forced cause of an immediate break in the coalition for at least three reasons: a) Because it shows that Podemos puts its electoral calculations before the general interest and, in Specifically, that of the victims harmed by a colossal error for which they are the main –although not the only– responsible. b) Because it makes a clean sweep of the moral authority of the Government. c) Because it mocks President Sánchez, irreparably diminishing his leadership capacity before Spanish citizens, regardless of his political affiliation.

This should not be tolerated, therefore, if this situation is not cut short, the damage caused to the institutions will increase in an already unbearable way, precipitating the crisis of the "regime of 78", as those who aspire to its rule call it. scrapping. If anyone doubts the truth of what I say, think of those who have supported Podemos in this feat, among which the pro-independence parties stand out for whom -let's say it clearly- the worse Spain goes, the better for them, many of whom feel a manifest hatred of Spain as a nation and of the State that legally articulates it. And here we come to the heart of the matter.

I have always maintained that the current coalition government is a legitimate government. It is not necessary that his more or less devoted faithful constantly remind me. I have never criticized any of their social policies, taking for granted that the urgency and seriousness of the needs of the people that they seek to alleviate justify by far the mistakes that may have been made, if there are any. I also highly value the foreign action of President Sánchez, who has recovered a position in Europe that a couple of previous presidencies, which it is better to forget, had abandoned due to non-appearance. I even admit that the decision taken on the Sahara, despite having been taken in the worst way, was inevitable. And I do not forget, finally, that the opposition exerted by the Popular Party throughout these years has not been in any way acceptable. Suffice it to show his insane conduct in the renewal of vacancies in the General Council of the Judiciary.

But all this positive baggage of the current Government does not prevent us from considering that this coalition is radically harmful for Spain for a reason: because its parliamentary viability depends on some pro-independence parties whose main objective is the secession of Spain, for which its previous erosion is necessary. and consequent weakness. No objection to their claims, which they are very free to sustain within the framework of the law; But from this to making the task easier for them by letting them be decisive when ordering our coexistence is an abyss.

I was in favor of pardons as proof of the magnanimity of an attacked State, which wants to order and share its future in peace and good harmony. But I maintain that the Penal Code never had to be modified as consideration for anything. Because of course you have to do politics, negotiate and agree, but not while being subjected to blackmail.

We have to break the coalition now. And then? A difficult and similar previous situation comes to mind: when presidents González and Pujol agreed to maintain the legislature, thus making it easier for Spain to hold the presidency of the Council of the European Union, which, as now, corresponded to it in 1995. Which invites me to imagine the deep relief that this country would feel if Sánchez and Feijóo were capable of agreeing to something similar. And if, furthermore, they succeeded in laying the foundations of an income agreement, a pension agreement and a territorial agreement, without excluding anyone, but without allowing themselves to be blackmailed by anyone either, then almost all of us would levitate. Dreaming is free.