A few weeks ago, the Valencian Community was a benchmark for the possibility of all the lefts with representation in the Valencian Corts to govern the institutions. The so-called "Valencian formula", pioneer in Spain and called the Botànic pact, made up of the PSPV, Compromís and Unides Podem, was even emulated by the Government of Pedro Sánchez, with his government coalition with Podemos and his parliamentary alliances to the left. That was a few weeks ago, because since yesterday, this same autonomy has become a reference for the possibility of the Spanish right, the PP and Vox, thanks to the results of 28-M. Formations that yesterday reached a "principle of agreement" that allows Carlos Mazón, who has enjoyed full autonomy in the negotiation, to guarantee his investiture as president of the Generalitat and to form a government, a priori stable, to face the legislature. The Valencia agreement also allows the PP to prepare the way to conquer the Spanish Government in alliance with the extreme right, transferring "normalcy" into the formula.
The price for the PP has not been very different from the one that this party paid in 1995 when it agreed with the Valencian Union so that Eduardo Zaplana would be president: he gave up the presidency of the Corts Valencianes and will hand over some ministry to the formation of Santiago Abascal. The PP speaks of 10 departments counting the president of which two or three would be in the hands of Vox. History does not repeat itself, but it always presents not a few coincidences.
Carlos Mazón, who yesterday was "very satisfied" with the pact, always defended his intention of a solo government; but the intention seemed impossible due to the will shown during the campaign by Vox to occupy plots of power in the Valencian Community. Besides, the arithmetic gave him no leeway; with 40 deputies he needed at least 10 of Vox's 13 to achieve it (the absolute majority is 50). The question was how the agreement was going to be woven, which was inevitable. In this situation, a factor may have served as a trigger: the conviction for mistreatment of his ex-wife in the past of the Vox candidate, Carlos Flores.
Borja Sémper made it clear on Monday that accepting Flores was not going to be possible, that it was a “red line”. Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who yesterday transferred his support and congratulations from him to Mazón, did not want to present to public opinion a pact that would contemplate accepting an abuser a few weeks after 23-J. The solution, in the end, has been simple: the leader of Vox in Valencia will not form part of the Valencian executive or the Valencian Corts. He will be the head of the list for Valencia to Congress. Santiago Abascal has sacrificed a piece for a greater objective that was to enter to occupy power in the main institution of the Valencians. Mazón, at a press conference, assured that the decision to do without Flores was made by his Vox.
The PP and Vox did not specify how they are going to distribute power in the Valencian administration; that is to say, it is not yet known which ministries will manage each of these formations, an important issue in an autonomy that is the third most important presided over by the PP and that, unlike Madrid and Andalusia, is bilingual. Carlos Mazón will form an executive with ten ministries, of which two or three could be for Vox; training that could also hold a vice-presidency of the Valencian executive. From some means of communication the possibility was launched that Agriculture, Social Affairs and possibly Education were for the formation of Abascal; extreme that was not confirmed by Carlos Mazón.
But Mazón made some programmatic priorities clear, such as promoting a tax cut, reinforcing public health, for which it is not ruled out giving entry to private management; reduce the number of ministers and senior officials and, as he emphasized, "turn the Valencian Community into a key piece of change in Spain."
Yesterday's session offered more information on the good deal between the two formations in the Valencian Community: they agreed on the government of the City Council of Elx, the third city of the Community. Other agreements are close to closing in Crevillent or Torrent. The Valencian PP has guaranteed the support of the extreme right in all these cases.
The pact puts an end to the project of Ximo Puig and his government partners that began in 2015, when the left managed to recover the institutions after 20 years of PP executives. Mazón thus becomes the fifth president of this party in the Valencian Community after Eduardo Zaplana, José Luís Olivas, Francisco Camps and Alberto Fabra. He starts from a more advantageous situation than the numbers say, since in addition to the Generalitat he leads a party that will manage the three provincial capitals, two provincial councils and most of the large cities. He also manages to become a benchmark for the national PP, a baron, without the comfortable situation of others like Ayuso or Moreno Bonilla; but he will be the president of an autonomy that gives the PP almost territorial hegemony in Spain.
The success of the Valencian right-wing government agreement could be repeated today in the Balearic Islands, where the PP and Vox will also hold the first meeting to try to reach an agreement. The Balearic Islands was also a benchmark for the complicity of the left under the presidency of Francina Armengol. Now, together with the Valencian, it is another autonomy that symbolizes a change of cycle. And it can last many years
