They assure former Vox deputies that they have recently been purged from the electoral lists to Congress that the leader of the Popular Party in Extremadura, María Guardiola, gave "in the center of the target" when last Tuesday she called the spokesman "a foreman of the feudal lord" politician of the ultra party, Jorge Buxadé (Barcelona, 1975). The Vice President of Political Action has become the leader who, after President Santiago Abascal, concentrates the most power in the far-right party. With a Falangist past, Buxadé is being in charge of piloting with an iron fist the pacts with the popular in the different autonomous communities. Numerous voices place him as Abascal's natural replacement, after having won the underground battle that he is having with Iván Espinosa de los Monteros.
At the Vox headquarters, on Calle de Bambú in Madrid, two souls have lived together in the same party for a long time. On the one hand, the conservative liberal, supposedly more moderate, which is headed in the shadows by the couple formed by the parliamentary spokesman, Iván Espinosa de los Monteros, and the ultra leader in the Community of Madrid, Rocío Monasterio. And at the other extreme, the Catholic national led by Buxadé and his indefatigable squire Ignacio Garriga, leader of Vox in Catalonia. A couple of incompatible ideological families that, according to internal sources, seem irreconcilable after Abascal gave more weight to the most ultra.
Sources close to Buxadé assure that this state lawyer from a family linked to Opus Dei and the Army considers that Vox "made a complete mistake" a few years ago when it facilitated governments for the Popular Party -as in Andalusia or Madrid- and gave them support. external. Buxadé is the one who coined that mantra that the far-right formation has repeated since the last election night: "There will be no gifts, no blackmail." Those "gifts" he talks about were made by the same party in the past and there are not a few looks that point to Espinosa de los Monteros, who at that time enjoyed more power in the formation.
The vice president traveled to Extremadura at the beginning of the week, where the Parliamentary Bureau was being established. Party sources say they are convinced that if Buxadé were not supervising the agreements, the negotiations in Extremadura would not have blown up. The argument that the extreme right publicly uses is well known: to control that governments comply with the agreements, it is necessary to be within the executives. That is to say, Vox intends to be a kind of counterpower within the regional governments, which is why it demands, at least, an armchair. However, sources close to the negotiations affirm that the case of Extremadura was "the perfect opportunity" to "undress" the incoherence of the Popular Party. After the media whirlwind caused by the failure of the talks, these sources are satisfied.
Time will tell if the strategy designed by Buxadé will be fruitful. But for now, the party closes ranks around his figure. Some information published at the beginning of the week placed him as number one on the list for Barcelona to Congress in the next general elections, despite the fact that he himself, in informal conversations with journalists at the party headquarters, had "completely" ruled himself out. A destination like the Lower House would mean going to the train wreck with the parliamentary spokesman Espinosa de los Monteros. "A war that is not convenient for the party to wage right now," they explain from within the formation.
Of course, Buxadé has left his own stamp in the preparation of these lists to Congress and the Senate. As number two for Madrid will go María de la Cabeza Ruiz Solas, who is the right hand of her pawn Garriga. In many pools was Rocío Monasterio, who, with the absolute majority of Isabel Díaz Ayuso in the Assembly, will see her influence reduced. However, Vox has cut him off from her.
