We found historian Raanan Rein, director of the S. Daniel Abraham Center for International and Regional Studies at Tel Aviv University, on the street, demonstrating in his city hand in hand with his sons and granddaughters, three generations of Israelis mobilized against the ultra-conservative government of Beniamin Netanyahu, who is not forgiven for the imposition of religious laws and a justice reform that will erode the rule of law.
How are you? How are they?
We have been fighting for twelve weeks and we are in a panic. People take to the streets to oppose an authoritarian government.
They are unprecedented mobilizations
Yes, it is the first time that civil society has reacted in such a massive way. I remember the demonstration in 1982 when we went out to protest the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, but at that time we were not that many.
The mobilizations are not only massive but also seem to be spontaneous.
On Sunday night, in a matter of minutes, after the defense minister's resignation was announced, tens of thousands of people took to the streets. It was eleven at night and they stayed until four in the morning. It fills me with satisfaction to see Israeli society so active, so determined not to let the current government continue with its authoritarian policies.
Netanyahu has announced that he is postponing judicial reform. It is a triumph of the street.
Yes, but at this point in the game we are already beyond. The judicial reform is an institutional coup. We are talking about a long series of bills - not just judicial reform - that have to do with an attempt to impose religious norms of all kinds on the secular majority. We are talking about laws that will allow people convicted by justice to hold ministerial posts.
Do you think this is the most radical government in the history of Israel?
Definitely. It includes a Minister of Internal Security who had a photo of an assassin, Baruch Goldstein, who in 1994 killed many Palestinians in Hebron, hanging in the living room of his house. It also includes a finance minister who legitimizes war crimes.
Is Netanyahu radicalized?
We have reached this situation in part by the incorporation into the Government of people from the extreme right who try to promote policies in a very provocative way. We are not talking about a Netanyahu government like the one of five, ten or fifteen years ago, but a government that has incorporated clerical-fascist elements.
Netanyahu has asked the population for calm and has called for dialogue.
What Netanyahu says now is not going to end the street protests. Remember that they are spontaneous. The leaders of the opposition parties are not on the streets. We don't see them. Young people have no interest in seeing them.
Netanyahu won the elections last November.
It is true that the secular and liberal sector of Israeli society lost the last elections, but this does not mean that it will accept the tyranny of the parliamentary majority. If it is necessary to take to the streets to protest, to fight, we will continue to do so. We represent the social majority of this country.
Netanyahu has mentioned the risk of a civil war. Do you think that everything can get even worse?
It seems to me that we are headed for an even bigger showdown. We are in danger of violent incidents. Tonight (Monday), for the first time, the right also comes out to show its support for the Government. Let's see how many people it mobilizes. In Jerusalem there are two sides facing each other.
Israelis who oppose the government appear to come from very diverse backgrounds.
Yes. What is impressive is not only seeing the number of people on the streets, but also their very heterogeneous nature. There are families like mine, people of different generations and also of different political colours. There are people who have the rights of women and homosexuals on their political agenda. There are people demonstrating against the occupation of the West Bank by the State of Israel. There are also trade unionists who have called strikes. It is a unique experience for me. It is as exciting as the fall of the Berlin wall was.
How can this confrontation end?
An agreement is needed on crucial issues. We need, for example, a consensus to elaborate for the first time a Constitution for the State of Israel. We do not want one more speech from the prime minister. We do not just want an agreement on the composition of the commission that will select the judges of the Supreme Court. We are not content with this. Not anymore. Now we want much more.
What values should be shielded in the Constitution?
The values that define the identity of the State of Israel are, above all, respect for human rights, the equality of all people, women and homosexuals, as well as those who are not Jewish and live in Israel. There must be, ultimately, a separation between religion and the State that now does not exist.
