Everyone wants to dominate space: missions also reveal political and economic interests

On August 23, India made history by becoming the fourth country to land on the lunar surface and the first to land on the moon's strategic south pole.

Oliver Thansan
Oliver Thansan
25 August 2023 Friday 10:23
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Everyone wants to dominate space: missions also reveal political and economic interests

On August 23, India made history by becoming the fourth country to land on the lunar surface and the first to land on the moon's strategic south pole. This milestone contrasted with the failure of the Russian mission Luna-25 which, a few days earlier, had crashed in its attempt to reach this region of our satellite in the first place.

Beyond their scientific objectives, these missions have put the use of space as a propaganda element back on the news. And also, although not so apparent, as an engine to boost the economic growth of a country, in what has come to be called the new space economy.

In addition to the services that we use on a daily basis and that are based on satellites, such as geopositioning or weather forecasting, other applications for professional use are already available that allow, for example, to know which parts of a crop are less hydrated, or to know the location of a herd and its state of health.

Likewise, through satellites, public administrations can monitor the state of reservoirs and rivers, monitor the progress of desertification or the rise in the level of the oceans, or improve the management of natural resources. In addition, constellations of small satellites are being deployed to provide broadband internet services from anywhere in the world, and more generally to obtain and manage data from virtually any sensor-equipped device.

The Space Foundation, a non-profit organization that maintains statistics on space, estimated the volume of business that moved the space economy in 2022 at more than 500,000 million euros. Some sources, such as the Bank of America, predict that this figure double by the end of the decade. Naturally, in this context, states and companies position themselves to be able to take advantage of the opportunities that arise.

But the space scene is much more complex than the one that existed when only two superpowers competed to dominate it. Currently there are several countries that have the capabilities to place satellites in orbit or to explore other worlds. There are also many states that create modest space agencies, whose objective is none other than to activate the space ecosystem by promoting the creation of new companies or facilitating collaboration between the public and private sectors. In addition, the large aerospace corporations are acquiring a more prominent role, with their own agendas and interests.

International space laws date back to 1967 (collected in the so-called "Outer Space Treaty"). They responded to a totally different context from the current one, and today they seem clearly insufficient to regulate the use of space.

For example, the treaty prohibits the installation of weapons on celestial bodies, such as the Moon or Mars, but does not cite orbits or interplanetary space. As a consequence, the Earth's orbit is left unprotected against the risk of militarization. Countries such as the United States, Russia, China or India have tested satellite destruction systems, and aggressive technologies are also being developed to intercept satellite communications or directly disable them.

According to this legislative framework, no one can claim sovereignty over a celestial body. However, the use that can be given to these bodies is not regulated. Thus, the United States approved, in 2015, domestic legislation that provides legal coverage to North American companies that exploit mineral resources from space. In a similar vein, Luxembourg established, two years later, a similar framework with the aim of attracting aerospace companies to its territory.

The great dominator of the space game board is the United States, which currently has no rival. Other countries, considered as natural allies, have their own plans that will not always coincide with US interests (this is the case of the European Union, Japan or India).

On the other side of the table, China ranks as the second power in space. And, as a consequence of the war in Ukraine, the isolation of Russia has facilitated a closer relationship between this country and the Asian giant.

The game of the geopolitics of space has only just begun. A game that will be played in different leagues, and where space powers, more modest nations, large corporations and small and medium-sized companies will move. A game that will generate technological advances and wealth, but which, as usual, will not be without risk.