The months of debate, drafting and approval of the Constitution in 1978 by the Congress and the Senate were intense for the Center for Sociological Research (CIS), which organized in five months – with the summer in between – eleven opinion studies on the knowledge, support and topics of intense political and social debate that the Magna Carta included, starting with the education model, the legalization of divorce – not finally included in the text – and the abolition of the death penalty and ending with the law to free unionization and the decentralization of the State.
Month after month, the polls showed that the importance that Spaniards gave to these new bases of coexistence that should establish democracy was not at all proportional to their interest and knowledge, in the same way that in their positioning and support for the text, the distrust until shortly before its parliamentary approval and the calling of the referendum on December 6 of that year.
In the same way, many of the political agreements did not correspond to citizen sentiment. In particular those referring to the political structure of the State and the differentiation of historical autonomies, since the majority of citizens opted for a more unified model from the central Government and an egalitarian development of autonomous powers. Despite the misgivings revealed by the polls, the Constitution ended up being approved by a large majority both in the Cortes and by the citizens.
The 11 studies were carried out on an estimated universe of 1,200 people over 18 years of age of different sex and social status residing in a number of municipalities that ranged between 77 and 89 out of a maximum reported of 33 provinces. For this intense campaign, the CIS had the specific support of other specialized companies such as Metra Seis and ECO.
The first of these surveys, carried out in July 1978, questioned those interviewed about burning aspects that the Magna Carta addressed such as the death penalty, certifying the division of Spanish society in this regard, since if 42.2% declared themselves In favor of its absolute repeal, 46.0% maintained that it should remain in force "in some cases." It should be remembered that the last executions had been carried out less than three years earlier, in September 1975, when two ETA militants and three from FRAP were shot.
Another less important issue, but of great public interest, was when the age of majority should be determined, a point on which there was greater agreement: 50.9% of those surveyed agreed that it should be 18 years of age – the age that some of the interviewees were –, and leaving it at 21 remained at 40.8%. The issue was resolved just before the constitutional referendum by a royal decree law of November 1978 that allowed those over 18 years of age to vote.
Regarding the knowledge and importance of the Constitution, although a majority indicated that they were unaware of its “purpose” in that first survey (55.8%) and claimed not to follow the debates in Congress (52.5%), the percentage was even higher. (57.1%) who considered that its drafting and approval was a “very urgent” or “fairly urgent” matter.
In parallel, a study commissioned by Metra Seis, which was already a renowned market research company, revealed that the lack of information about the text debate process, which for 55.8%, was insufficient. In this case, the interviewees were questioned about the role of political parties in the configuration of the text, and for a clear majority, PSOE and UCD were the parties that contributed the most, as considered by 65.7% and 61.1 %, respectively, consolidating in what could be called a position of institutionality.
Of the aspects that the Magna Carta should address that most concerned those surveyed, education (33.7%), work (36.0%), divorce (31.7%) and autonomy (29.1%) stood out. ). The majority was in favor of some of the aspects under debate that the text should regulate: majority at 18 years of age (75.1%), divorce (67.3%), abolition of the death penalty (74.4 %), decriminalization of adultery and contraceptives (63.1%) – two concepts that appeared in the same section – and recognition of the right to conscientious objection in military service (69.3%).
The study went even further and touched on other hot topics, questioning whether the Constitution could have a decisive influence or be a solution to serious problems that plagued Spanish society such as terrorism (57.4% believed it could), the “situation” of the Basque Country (43.0% also considered it), the economic crisis (53.3%), the consolidation of democracy (76.6%), political stability (71.1%) and unemployment (41.0%). .6%). That is to say, a clear majority saw this fundamental norm as part of the solution to the main evils experienced by the Spain that was leaving Franco's regime. Votes in favor of the future text in this study amounted to 68.5% of those surveyed.
However, in a sample carried out that same month of July, in this case by the ECO firm, support for the Constitution of a future referendum was reduced to 41.3%. This survey had an impact on the administrative organization of the State. Once again, a large majority (73.1%) supported “that regions and nationalities can govern themselves in some aspects, but without ever becoming independent from the rest of Spain.” The debate between regions and nationalities opted for equality (54.5%), evidencing the greater political than social weight in the final wording of the text.
Regarding union and religious freedom, 31.9% supported that unions were freely created and all workers could freely unionize and a clear 51.4% were clear that there should neither be a specific official religion in the Constitution nor This had to recognize special attention towards the Catholic Church. Regarding education, an even more resounding 65.5% opted for a mixed model of free public and concerted education.
Already in September, in two new studies launched by the CIS, the degree of knowledge and meaning of the text was not much higher, with 50.6% of those surveyed stating that they did not know what a Constitution was or, at best, , to have doubts. 60.1% claimed not to have enough information about some of its key aspects, such as the State organization model or public rights and freedoms. Although the majority still did not follow the day-to-day processing (53.0%), the urgency of its approval remained high and was in this case considered by 55.4%.
In one of these studies, the territorial structure of the State was addressed, proposing various models to the respondents, who mostly opted for a decentralized model. In this case, support for a federal regime was practically marginal (6.2%), while the single central government was also in a clear minority (13.7%), with the majority opting for a central government that left certain powers to the regions (18.1%) or a regional government model (18.5%). In any case, the majority (41.0%) believed that the autonomous model would not endanger the unity of Spain.
Regarding the advantages and disadvantages of the State of the autonomies, many (30.9%) considered that it would promote inequality between regions, although the majority believed that services such as health or education would work better (54.3%) and that society would be more involved with politics (55.4%). And what the majority of those interviewed were also very clear about was that the self-government model should not be asymmetrical, not even for historical or cultural reasons, but rather egalitarian (53.8%), questioning the model of the historical autonomous communities that ended prevailing and endorsing the future “coffee for all” of the first PSOE Government.
At that time, support for the Magna Carta was clear at between 32.7% and 34%, according to the survey, although the opposition was already considered residual, ranging between 2.8% and 5.1%. %.
In October, the CIS machinery remained at full capacity and two new practically identical polls revealed that support for the Constitution in a future referendum had barely increased, since only between 36.3% and 36.5% –the two polls almost coincided– he was clear about his favorable vote. Of course, the will to vote against had dropped to an insubstantial margin of between 3.9% and 6.3%. However, between 56.4% and 58.1% said they were still uninformed about what was being cooked by the committee of speakers.
After the ratification of the text by the Cortes Generales, on October 31, 1978, but waiting for the referendum, which was called for December 6, the CIS carried out three more studies that affected the aspects already consulted, this once with the Magna Carta already made a reality. These polls no longer questioned aspects already approved, but rather focused on knowledge and support for the text and questioned respondents about their sympathy towards the different parties in the parliamentary arc.
Although knowledge of the constitutional text was still largely unknown, as indicated by between 40.1% and 56.6% of those interviewed, firm support had grown to a percentage ranging from 39.1% to 49.2%. The no, for its part, remained between 4.7% and 5.0%.
The trend was strengthened in the last of the surveys carried out before the referendum, in fact the days before its celebration, already in December. In this case, support for the Magna Carta was already at 52.7% and no was anchored at 4.9%. The declared knowledge of the drafting once the copies of the Constitution had been distributed to all homes amounted to 57.5%.
The results of the polls ended up being much clearer in favor of the text: 87.7% of voters endorsed it, while rejection stood at 12.3%. In a historic day, 59.0% of the census voted. The Constitution left in the pipeline some of the issues that were on the street in those days, and although it laid the foundations of the State of the autonomies, it did not outline its development, the object of a negotiation between the central government and the autonomous governments that remains open for almost half a century. after.
