The Sumarroca family intends to uncover the instigators of Operation Catalunya, of which they feel they are victims as a result of several investigations opened for years in the National High Court for the alleged payment of irregular commissions to the Pujols, as well as for the delivery to the CDC of the famous 3%. In the heat of all the information published about the goings-on of various PP leaders together with members of the so-called "sewers of the State", including the controversial former commissioner José Manuel Villarejo, they have promoted a lawsuit that they have just filed in the Supreme Court so that maneuvers to persecute Catalan leaders are investigated.
The complaint, to which La Vanguardia has had access, is directed against the popular leader Alicia Sánchez Camacho –current senator for the PP and therefore qualified before the high court–; the former Minister of the Interior Jorge Fernández Díaz, his former number two Francisco Martínez; the former general secretary of the party María Dolores de Cospedal, Villarejo himself and the former number two of the Police, the former deputy director of operations Eugenio Pino. The Sumarroca family, co-owner of one of the main construction groups in Catalonia, demands from the high court that the defendants be investigated for the crimes of criminal organization, false official documents, illegal arrests, discovery and disclosure of secrets and embezzlement of public funds.
The thesis of the Sumarrocas, based on the Villarejo audios, is that starting in 2012 and in subsequent years, coinciding with the important rise of the Catalan independence movement, various police officers, members of the Spanish government and leaders of the PP, then ruler, including certain journalists and media outlets, "agreed to develop a plan against said political movement, which is usually referred to with the name of operation Catalunya'".
According to the text of the complaint —presented by the lawyer Jordi Pina of the Molins office—, said strategy consisted, fundamentally, of obtaining information and/or preparing “false evidence that would serve to intimidate, investigate, harm and discredit people who, in one way or another, or otherwise, whether true or not, they considered themselves close to the aforementioned movement, whether they were political officials, public figures, social leaders or businessmen, as is the case with the now plaintiffs.”
According to the businessmen, the so-called sewers of the State were against several of its members for having strong ties with the Pujol family, "whose patriarch was considered the factotum of the independence movement" and who were suspected of having acted as figureheads of the former Catalan president.
Within the framework of this operation, the Sumarrocas would frame a meeting between Villarejo and Sánchez Camacho on November 6, 2012, when the latter was president of the Catalan PP, at the home of the latter and a few days before the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia.
Throughout said meeting, the popular leader would have provided the former commissioner –according to what is interpreted from those audios– an authentic “black list” of people who, in her opinion, should be investigated and persecuted by the police for their relationship with the independence movement. Among such people was the Sumarroca family, "Sánchez-Camacho providing all the relevant data that he should have known about the businessman Carles Sumarroca so that he could be investigated by the National Police."
According to the complaint – which the Supreme Court must now study if it admits it for processing – the Catalunya operation “was orchestrated from the leadership of the PP and the Government, to whom Villarejo reported on the progress or not of the prospective investigations that they had initiated.”
The Sumarrocas denounce that the investigations that were later opened in the National Court on the Pujol family, by the UDEF, and on 3%, by the Civil Guard, originate from this network. Carlos Sumarroca is currently indicted for allegedly paying commissions to the Pujols, in addition to another of his members being prosecuted in the 3% case for the alleged payment of commissions to the defunct CDC.
This complaint is intended to investigate the origin of the investigation into the Pujols, which was initially promoted by the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office, together with the UDEF, and supervised by Judge Pablo Ruz, later replaced by José de la Mata. As a result of Villarejo's plot being uncovered, it was discovered that it was Villarejo who maneuvered the ex-girlfriend of Pujol's eldest son, Jordi Pujol Ferrusola, to report to the National Court that he was hiding money in Andorra.
This first complaint raised certain suspicions in the instructor, who initially did not give him any credibility, although he finally took a statement by order of the Criminal Chamber of the National Court. The judge began a slow investigation that was not activated until Pujol acknowledged that his family had taken advantage of the tax amnesty for keeping accounts in Andorra.
According to the Sumarrocas, the Villarejo audios show that this police initiative aimed at having Pujol Jr's ex-boyfriend denounce, together with another complaint filed by businessman Javier de la Rosa, "was endorsed by the Minister of the Interior, Jorge Fernández Díaz , in the meeting he had with Villarejo on December 16 and which was also recorded by the commissioner”.
They denounce that "prospective investigations" were opened against them without prior suspicion of a crime "but for purely ideological and thought reasons."
