First conclusion: Carlos Mazón has no response or internal resistance, none. A situation that the Valencian PP had not experienced since 2011, when it began to decline, peppered with legal proceedings for corruption, which would lead to the defeat in 2015. Years before, first Eduardo Zaplana and, later, Francisco Camps (he fought against Zaplana for control of the party with the help of Juan Cotino), managed to keep the troops together to face the elections and to manage the institutions.
In 2011, despite the imputation of Francisco Camps and the trial of the suit case, the PP obtained a spectacular result, with 48.61% of the votes and 55 deputies; absolute majority. The party, at that time, was united around the figures of Camps and Rita Barberá, together with the provincial barons of Alicante, José Joaquín Ripoll; Valencia, Alfonso Rus, and Castellón, Carlos Fabra. The fractures in the party, the divisions, began after the resignation of Camps. From then on, the Valencian PP went into decline in parallel to the serious economic crisis after the outbreak of the real estate crisis and the convulsion of corruption cases.
Second conclusion: Calos Mazón has made his team with absolute freedom in the Valencian Courts, with full control of the lists of Alicante, Valencia and Castellón. The same could not be done by Eduardo Zaplana in 1995, who had not a few resistances from Rita Barberá, who had won the mayoralty of Valencia in 1991, and wanted to impose names in the candidacy for the province of Valencia. Yes, Zaplana did it in 1999, as did Francisco Camps in 2007 and 2011. In 2015 the family war already moved to the preparation of the lists.
This time, María José Catalá, the next mayoress of Valencia, has had absolute freedom to form her team in the City Council. And she will also be a deputy in the Valencian Parliament, as was Rita Barberá. The strategic harmony between the two is going to be a determining factor for the PP to show unity during the legislature in which it will govern.
Third conclusion: Carlos Mazón was a trusted man of Pablo Casado and Teodoro García Egea, who appointed him to revitalize the Valencian PP and put an end to the crossing of the desert; but now he has become a key piece of the territorial power of Alberto Núñez Feijóo. He is, in political terms, the baron of the fourth most important autonomy in Spain, after Madrid, Andalusia and Catalonia. Key fact: he will have absolute freedom to negotiate with Vox in order to form the new regional executive.
Fourth conclusion: The only resistance that Carlos Mazón has had in the process prior to the 28-M elections has been in the popular groups of some municipalities in the province of Valencia that, such as Alzira, Mislata or Gandía, have not obtained the results. expected. In others, such as Torrent, where there has also been a battle, the Mayor's Office will be held if it is agreed with Vox. For their part, in Alicante and Castellón, the main cities have been left in the hands of the Valencian PP. The province of Alicante is consolidated as an absolute stronghold of the popular, with more solidity than in the province of Valencia.
Fifth conclusion: Carlos Mazón has the support of Genoa so that his criteria is present in the configuration of the Valencian PP candidacies for the next elections of 23J. It will be necessary to be attentive to the names that make up these lists and if Mazón places some of the regional deputies elected this 28-M on them. The interests of the Valencian government are at stake in Madrid, and the new president will need to have strong, trusted allies in the Spanish capital.
