The Italian parties had more than five days to approach positions and unite to avoid a scenario of total uncertainty in the midst of a social crisis and when Russia threatens to shut down the gas. They have not been enough. After hours of uninterrupted conclaves, the omens of Mario Draghi's entourage who viewed with skepticism a paradigm shift in such a short time have come true.
The former president of the European Central Bank (ECB) resigned convincingly before the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, last Thursday, when he found that the majority that had supported him in his investiture had broken after the sit-in of the 5 Star Movement (M5E) in a vote of confidence. Then the head of state rejected his resignation and ordered him to return to Parliament to see if he still had enough support, only after having closed an important energy alliance on a trip to Algeria.
Draghi accepted this and, as the days went by, he was moved by the numerous calls from international leaders –Pedro Sánchez even wrote an opinion article in Politico– that encouraged him not to abandon ship. Also for the almost 2,000 Italian mayors who have signed a petition not to leave their duties halfway before the importance of completing the recovery plan. Unions, employers, federations of doctors, teachers, businessmen, anti-mafia groups and even the Church had come to their defense.
All this served for Draghi to decide to give himself a new opportunity and check if he could make one last effort, one day before a decisive ECB meeting.
During the day of reflection, he agreed to receive Enrico Letta, secretary general of the Democratic Party, but also the envoys of the right-wing groups that supported the government, starting with the liguista Matteo Salvini and the leader of Forza Italia, Silvio Berlusconi, who returned from his home in Sardinia given the seriousness of the matter.
These meetings, coupled with optimism in some political circles, led to believe in the possibility that the premier would give a conciliatory speech on Wednesday and resolve the crisis.
But in the end, Draghi opted for a middle way. His speech with conditions, in a very harsh tone, before the Senate, perplexed the unruly groups. In the Upper House there were many senators out of place that not even they knew what their leaders were going to order them. The great unknown at first was going to be the response of the M5E, but the long faces of the League during Draghi's words already suggested that it was going to be a long day. “Badly”, answered, succinctly, a liguista senator asked about the prospects of continuing in the Executive.
Salvini moved to speak with his people. He then retired to the Villa Grande, Silvio Berlusconi's new home in Rome, to negotiate directly with Il Cavaliere. He spoke by phone with President Mattarella, but also with the leader of the Brothers of Italy, Giorgia Meloni, his ally and most direct rival for the far-right vote. Berlusconi called Draghi. The line was already drawn: they were determined to continue in the Executive only if the M5E was left out. To materialize it, they elaborated another resolution that could be voted on that included a renewal of the Executive. The prime minister did not want to listen to them.
In Campo Grillini, even its leader, Giuseppe Conte, was lost shortly before the vote. “What do I have to do?” he asked. The unchecking of the right made their way easier and they can no longer be seen as the only ones to blame for the fall of the Draghi government. Italy is an expert country in summer crises, but of the last ones this has been the most unpredictable.
