The crisis in the Government of Israel is aggravated by the law on settlers

In the key parliamentary sessions, the insurmountable differences in the heterogeneous coalition of the Israeli government of Naftali Bennett surface.

Thomas Osborne
Thomas Osborne
10 June 2022 Friday 17:02
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The crisis in the Government of Israel is aggravated by the law on settlers

In the key parliamentary sessions, the insurmountable differences in the heterogeneous coalition of the Israeli government of Naftali Bennett surface. This Tuesday, the Executive lost by 58 to 52 the vote to extend the "emergency measures" that are applied in the Jewish settlements in the West Bank. Rules that are renewed every five years and that allow Israeli civil law to be applied to the more than 500,000 settlers who live beyond the Green Line.

After the desertion of three deputies, the coalition was left in a minority in the Knesset, and each vote becomes a new final exam. In the case of this legislation, it was shown that partisan interests prevail over ideological frameworks.

From within the coalition, the pacifist Meretz – the only minority Jewish faction that demands an end to the military occupation of the Palestinian territories – voted with a “stoppered nose” in favor of continuing to grant privileges to the settlers. Only Arab dissident Ghaida Rinawie objected. To avoid opprobrium, the Arab deputies of the Islamist Ra'am were absent from the plenary, except for Mazen Ghanaim, who voted against.

The paradox was even more noticeable in the opposition. Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud, along with their far-right allies, voted against renewing the law. Despite the fact that in theory they represent the interests of the residents of Judea and Samaria (the biblical denomination of the West Bank), they prioritized the destabilization of the government.

The Executive can call the vote again until the end of June, but a new failure is foreseeable. This measure allows the settlers to maintain a differential status with respect to their Palestinian neighbors since the Israeli victory in the Six Day War (1967). The law of the Jewish State applies to them, despite residing in communities considered illegal by the international community. The criminal trials of Jews are resolved in civil courts, while Palestinians face military courts.

If it finally fails, the start of the school year or the renewal of driver's licenses and identity cards will be left in limbo in the settlements. According to Gideon Sa'ar, the justice minister, the West Bank could become a "sanctuary for criminals." Netanyahu, who aborted his promise to annex the colonies to Israel in his mandate, now aspires to retake power at the cost of plunging part of his electoral base into chaos.

Bennett, who boasts of having returned the country to stability after four electoral cycles in two years, warned his Arab and leftist partners who are facing the abyss. "This is a rescue government, and there is no law that justifies breaking up the coalition." And he considered that in case of dissolution, there are two alternatives: "Endless rounds of elections or hand over power to Bibi (Netanyahu) and his associates."

Israeli governments of all political stripes approved this package of measures for decades, applied to communities established outside their sovereign territory. Despite the bad omens, the centrist Yair Lapid, who should rotate in the premiership in 2023, tried to raise morale and encouraged "winning the next round." Although it seems like a chimera: the "Government of change" is in the minority of 60 deputies in a 120-seat Knesset.

From the Likud they rub their hands before the possible debacle. His paths to regain power go through forcing new elections or even capturing more rebels from the right-wing Yamina and Tikvá Jadashá factions (members of the coalition), to form an alternative coalition without dissolving the Chamber. "The irony is that new elections will be the only mechanism to save settlers from a bitter reality if the emergency measures are not renewed," said Ha'aretz analyst Yossi Verter. If the Knesset is dissolved before June 30, the law will be automatically renewed until there is a new government. “This would help Netanyahu to convince dissidents to support new elections. Brilliant move,” he added.

From Likud the message was short and concise: “Bennett, it's over, go away. It is time to return Israel to the right.” But Bennett's Yamina, brandishing the resilience of his coalition, replied that "Likud will set the country on fire for Bibi's interests." The current premier, who in the past led the West Bank settlement lobby, emphasized that his coalition overcame recurring crises during his year in office.