The long hangover of the post-procés has squeezed the sacrificial rhetoric to the maximum, as happens in all movements of this type. In the case of political prisoners and exiles, this was predictable and logical; the way in which each leader and party then manage the proceeds of this sacrifice is another matter, and it is clear that there are several options among those who made the important decisions in October 2017.
Another thing, very different, is when the sacrificial rhetoric is adopted by unexpected political actors, those who force the arguments and the circumstances to reach limits that they could perfectly avoid. Exactly that is what Quim Torra did from the presidency of the Generalitat when, against the majority of opinions (including that of Carles Puigdemont), his position was risked by placing some protest banners on the facade of Palau. Laura Borràs, a disciple of the Torrista style, repeats this strategy before the trial that she will have to face for irregularities in some contracts when she was the director of the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes (ILC).
Borràs assures that his situation is one more example of the systematic repression of the State against the independence movement, although it has nothing to do with October 1 or with 155. Remember that the matter is known by rebound, due to an investigation into drug trafficking linked to the friend of Borràs who receives commissions from the ILC. But the sacrificial logic has already been set in motion: Borràs will go to the hearing as a heroine of the ideal she upholds, an attitude that inevitably compromises his party. But not as much as she would like, surely. Because it is not at all clear that Jordi Turull and the Junts management apply the sacrificial logic to the organization as a whole and, for example, leave the Govern Aragonés out of solidarity with the president of their formation. If Junts were to break up with its partners, it could be due to calculations and considerations completely unrelated to the Borràs case.
Torra's gesticulation with the banners did not strengthen Junts per Catalunya and ended up being a real drag, as its leaders privately acknowledged. What will happen to the sacrificial gesture of Borràs when the moment of truth arrives? Could it also end up being a burden for the party that disputes ERC's pro-independence hegemony? For now, it will show that the 74 seats of ERC, Junts and the CUP are neither a stable nor effective majority. Secondly, it will force Turull to strike a balance so as not to subordinate the party's interests to the judicial fate of the president. And, thirdly, he will question the more modulated (and pragmatic) speech that the junteros should issue in the face of the municipal elections.
To top it off, the climate will worsen even more among the three pro-independence parties, and the episode will distract the Government – a little or a lot – at a time when it is necessary to focus on the uncertain effects of the crisis.
