The portrait of the economic and social powers of Catalonia throughout the last century is the story of a decadence. This is how Manel Pérez, deputy director of La Vanguardia, exposes it in his book La burguesía catalana. Diagnosis of the elite that lost its party (Peninsula), a relentless chronicle that dissects the most convulsive moments of the procés.
The Catalan bourgeoisie describes the relations of the economic elite with the procés and the independence movement. In Madrid she is accused of having sponsored him. What is the conclusion?
The bourgeoisie always mistrusted the procés, but it adapted, it even thought it could take advantage of it. He accompanied and flirted with the fiscal sovereignty of Artur Mas, the fiscal pact and for this reason the businessmen spoke in favor, from Joaquín Gay de Montellà when he chaired Foment to Miquel Valls, his counterpart in the Chamber, to cite two relevant cases. But that complicity was short-lived. In September 2012, Mas left Moncloa empty-handed, after meeting with Mariano Rajoy, and brought forward the elections. The elite began to feel very uncomfortable. In those elections, Mas punctured and released the genie of the lamp, the replacement by more radical social forces. There he began a long series of clashes and disagreements that crescendo reached the crisis of October 1, 2017, with the transfer of headquarters and support for the application of article 155.
In his work he points out that the process reveals his profound loss of influence…
Of the so-called civil society. Before the procés, a pact with Pujolism worked whereby it applied its economic proposals in exchange for its policy not being questioned. Pujol's electoral and social hegemony ensured consensus. With the turn of the century, the Aznar government arrived and the industrial catastrophe first, the ruling of the Statute later, and finally the financial crisis, all factors that ate up that social raft. In response, Mas executed his turn towards independence and the upper bourgeoisie found itself alone, without political representation and without social influence. Even Unió Democràtica, much closer to it than Pujol's own Convergència, disappeared. Since then, he has lost control.
One of the chapters is precisely October 1 and the hasty departure of company headquarters. It seems that this escape did not occur due to pressure from the State...
The referendum supposes a social shock, it is like a revolution without a head. Turnout is very high and the government of Mariano Rajoy is in evidence. Everyone assumes that anything can happen. Savers, the middle classes, fear losing their savings and hundreds of thousands are aware that there may be very serious economic consequences. Banks, insolvency. Companies, the security of their assets. In this last case, the emptiness of October 2 catalyzes all his discontent and distrust of recent years with the procés, taxation and instability.
Do you think that one day the venues can return?
Most say they don't consider it. This is another of the paradoxes of what has happened these years. The procés was in part a reaction against the concentration of power and wealth in Madrid, fueled by the state itself and aggravated since the arrival of the Aznar governments. And the final outcome, the departure of banks and companies, has added another twist to this drift. The protest with the feet of the bourgeoisie recalls Pompey's reaction to the arrival of Caesar's armies in Rome. He left the city to regroup forces and organize the counterattack. In reality, he left her in the hands of his rival. Something like this happened when the most radical sector of the independence movement took control of the Barcelona Chamber.
In the book he insists that Catalonia has left behind its character as an industrial economy.
Definitely. One of the historical differential facts of the Catalan economy was its industrial power, the basis of its wealth and the relevance of Barcelona, the most important non-state capital city in Europe. But that industrial singularity was pulverized in the first decade of this century. First, with the abandonment by the elites, launched into tourism and real estate speculation. Later, with the financial crisis, which gave him the finishing touch. Catalonia began the century as an industrial motor of Europe and ten years later it was in the mediocre squad. That explains part of the loss of authority and influence of these elites.
A relevant chapter is devoted to the rise to power of La Caixa as a central player in the Catalan and Spanish economy... Is this a sign that other economic initiatives are lacking?
La Caixa is the other great differential element of Catalonia, in economic terms, together with that industry that is now a thing of the past. Although that is a more recent reality. Since the eighties of the last century it has been the great Catalan power. But it has been difficult to accept its uniqueness. It embodies the historical values of the Catalan bourgeoisie but without it. Financial power, but without share capital. Its strength comes from the original savings of its middle classes and its industrialists and from the managerial revolution that made its directors –Josep Vilarasau first and Isidre Fainé now– the most influential. The model did not like the rulers or central banks. Nor to the traditional bourgeoisie; nor to the nationalist, who considered her little committed to the country. But in recent decades it has been by far the most relevant vector of Catalan power, in Barcelona and Madrid. On equal terms with the big bank. The political crisis of these years has greatly strained the relations of that galaxy with Catalonia. Its redirection is one of the keys to the country's economic future.
Despite this decline of the Catalan bourgeoisie, it continues to be a relevant actor that seeks its space around Foment del Treball and the Cercle d'Economia. Where is he headed?
The economic elite lacks political referents who represent their interests. It is very divided, a minority but relevant sector is openly pro-independence. He tries approaches with Junts, a party derived from the old Convergència, even with the PSC and ERC. Not very successful so far. Foment, the employer's association chaired by Josep Sánchez Llibre, is its main nerve center. Its danger is to end up converted into a simple lobby without the capacity to make proposals that articulate a model of society.
