What framework will be imposed on 28-M in the Valencian Community? Will the objective of turning these regional and municipal elections into plebiscites between Sánchez and Feijóo weigh more, or will the issues that make up the Valencian political debate be valued more? Will the right-wing bloc be able to put an end to the political change initiated by the left in 2015? Will the Botanic manage to revalidate its project in a new legislature?
These are going to be some of the fundamental questions that are going to be resolved this Sunday at the Valencian polls in a scenario where the options, according to the polls, are very even between the left-wing blocks (PSPV, Compromís and Unides Podem) and the right (PP and Vox). With the precision that only two candidates have options to preside over the Generalitat Valenciana: Ximo Puig and Carlos Mazón.
But what happens in the Valencian Community is going to directly condition the objectives of the PP and PSOE in the face of the general elections and the future of their leaders. The game of national hegemonies is played in this autonomy. A positive result for the popular, reconquering the Generalitat and the Valencia City Council, which they lost in 2015, would weaken the territorial power of the socialists and would question the future of the Spanish left.
Quite the contrary, if the Botànic maintains power, this autonomy will confirm that it has internalized a political dynamic completely removed from other geographies such as Madrid or Andalusia. Valencian socialism would demonstrate a strength that Madrid or Andalusia do not have, an important fact and would put Feijóo's leadership in check in favor of Isabel Díaz Ayuso.
The Botànic began the campaign with not a few fractures derived from the act of Magariños, on April 2, to present the Sumar project by Yolanda Díaz. Days later, Héctor Illueca charged against Compromís, and Joan Baldoví did not hide his discomfort due to a tension that threatened to discourage their respective electorates.
But as the days have passed, the botanical ships have recovered the route, the complicity, which began in 2015 and which has allowed them to sustain the Generalitat Valenciana for two legislatures without any notable crisis. This has been the best news for Ximo Puig, who has been able to finish the campaign with the peace of mind that, finally, his partners have set aside their differences to direct their offensive against their right-wing rivals.
The Valencian PP, Carlos Mazón and María José Català, had designed a campaign in a national key, based on the highly argued hypothesis that the Valencian 28-M should be the beginning of the end of "sanchismo". For this, the first objective was to try to erode the figure of Ximo Puig. Mónica Oltra disappeared, the president was the reference figure of the left-wing political project and the PP was clear: beat Ximo Puig and then beat Pedro Sánchez.
A story that has been maintained until the end, seasoned with proposals for a resounding tax cut and a management model where the possibility of incorporating private companies to manage public services such as Health have been confirmed. Carlos Mazón has sought, at all times, the melee with Ximo Puig.
The biggest shock of the campaign occurred at the end, with the Vinícius case, the racist insults of a group of fans in Mestalla against the Real Madrid player. A case that from the Madrid media was amplified to the point of stigmatizing all the Valencian fans, and Valencian society, due to the case of some racists who were arrested in a few hours thanks to the collaboration of Valencia C.F..
Valencian politicians reacted unanimously against racism and, also, against the claim to blame all of Mestalla and all of Valencian society, a case similar to what happened in the past with corruption. The left was more skillful in responding to this harassment by the Madrid press, but the right finally joined.
Apart from this episode, at the regional level the campaign has been flat in arguments and intense in visits by political leaders, from Sanchez or Feijóo, who have held events in the three provinces, to ministers such as Nadia Calviño or Yolanda Díaz herself, who In a complicated game of balances, he showed his closed support for Héctor Ilueca for the Generalitat and Joan Ribó for the Valencia City Council.
Yolanda Díaz has really entered the campaign in Valencia, strongly betting on the Botanic formula, although this has caused a few upsets in United We can support Compromís in the city of Valencia.
Thus ends an autonomous Valencian campaign in which all the unknowns remain open. Will the PP be the party with the most deputies and the most votes? Will Compromís overcome Vox from a long distance? Will Unides Podem manage to overcome the 5% barrier? All the answers will be known on the night of 28-M and they are all keys that will define who will govern the Generalitat Valenciana for the next four years.
The result will clarify if, finally, the Valencians have accepted to incorporate the national debates into their voting decision or have preferred to prioritize their regional leaders. In a few hours we will know, and all of Spain will be watching.
