The campaign of Unidas Podemos has been a tragedy of cheap copla, of tears and complaints, in the style of Concha Márquez Piquer, in which I sing my love as much as my spite, overacting grief, which is love, and singing love, which is grief. "You live with some and with others / and you don't care about my solitude / you know you have a son / and you don't even give him the last name."
We started the pre-campaign for Podemos in Magariños with the snub of María de la O, "what a degrasiaita gypsy you are, having it all", and at the same time adopting the ultra-conservative strategy of agreeing with the IU throughout the territory, aware that anything else was risk exposing the condition of the extra-parliamentary left in which the rocky but minuscule numbers of Podemos are today. IU allowed itself to be loved by alliances and on Monday we will see that the sum of both is identical to what IU was seven years ago, at its most terrible hour, more or less 5%, when Podemos took off to change everything.
So the endorsement of Yolanda Díaz – whom the CIS already places, without a program and without a party, in double the support of what remains of the purple party – was substantial to save the match ball in the most delicate territories. Díaz complied, in a sleepless campaign in which no one would say that his platform was not at stake, and he threw the rest in defense of the Valencian Botànic – where the purples demanded their support while putting all kinds of obstacles, conditions and vetoes to his participation–, in Catalonia (where he closed his campaign yesterday), in Extremadura and in Madrid. What goes well in those territories will be thanks to the resilience of Podemos and what goes wrong will be the fault of Magariños, because these evaluations have been written on Podemos' desks for weeks in Gothic script and purple ink.
Ultimately, the left that was going to change everything and today disputes with the vigilance of the anti-capitalists to become the most genuine space for the anguitista harangue, outside the walls of the institutional framework, ended up taking the retired Pablo Iglesias to its rallies, who executed perfection, in the Canary Islands, the Balearic Islands and Madrid, the intemperate role of someone who is willing to do anything, as he did in the 2019 campaigns, when Podemos also seemed on the brink of eviction. His late reappearance, courageous, always functional and efficient before his irreducible electoral base, is eloquent of the difficulty of the scenario.
Unidas Podemos has focused the rhetorical campaign on competing with Pedro Sánchez in advertisements –a chain of public supermarkets, a bank fund to cushion the Euribor, a punitive campaign to stop Desokupa's squadronism...– and has exhibited all its gallantry in a provocative billboards against the PP that have managed to go viral and irritate the adversary, who has gone to the Electoral Board to complain. The paradox of Unidas Podemos in the territories is that, located at the threshold of 5%, on the verge of eviction, it has accelerated polarization by encouraging electoral participation that, if it increases, makes that 5% much more expensive. arithmetic paradoxes.
